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Home Page News and Society Economics National Rural Employment Guarantee Programmes Can Ameliorate Poverty Among Tribal People-a Study With Reference to Kerala State
National Rural Employment Guarantee Programmes Can Ameliorate Poverty Among Tribal People-a Study With Reference to Kerala State
Author: Nidheesh K B | Posted: 27-09-2007 | Comments: 0 | Views: 3 | Ads by Google



1. INTRODUCTION

India is one of the countries having a large concentration of tribal population. In this, it ranks second in the world and comes next only to Africa. The extreme economic and educational backwardness of the tribals in the country has drawn the attention of the state and Central Governments. Many socioeconomic measures to uplift the tribals were initiated by India under the Colonial British rule. The efforts of various commissions and legislative measures have proved futile. A number of developmental activities intended for protecting the tribals from exploitation and meant for helping them to further their socio-economic development have not yielded fruitful results as expected. The post-independence era witnessed a large number of developmental measures, policies and programmes that focused on the overall

development of the tribal areas. Ever since the planning process was initiated in the country through five-year plans, the tribal uplift in the country has gained importance. The Constitutional provisions and legislative measures both during the British rule and during the Post–independent period to protect the tribal rights, property, culture, had a significant bearing on the overall tribal economy and socio-cultural system but they failed to have any impact on the improvement of the economic conditions of the tribal population. After the initiation of the planned development programmes in the country from the first five year plan during 1960s till the present 11h five year plan, many programmes were implemented for the socio-economic upliftment of the tribals both by the State and the Central Governments. The effectiveness and impact of these programmes have not been thoroughly evaluated in the country except in a few pockets. The National Rural Employment Guarantee (NREG) Act, which has the potential to improve the livelihood of millions of rural poor. Work undertaken under this Act could help reverse the recent neglect of rural infrastructure and be a crucial part of regenerating the rural economy. Providing employment would have a beneficial impact on health, education and other determinants of social welfare by breaking the cycle of rural poverty. In 2005 the Government of India passed the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) to initiate a similar programme in the poorer districts of rural India. The implementation of this Act was started in antapur in Andhra Pradesh by the Prime Minister on 2nd February 2006.. The NREGA is the latest in a series of generally undistinguished rural poverty alleviation programmes. It owes many features of its design, however, to a similar relatively successful programme in Maharashtra which was started in 1974. The success of this programme can be judged by the fact that although the population of the State has approximately doubled since that time, the demand for work under this programme has remained more or less stable. There may also be indirect benefits if more women are given the opportunity to work, as higher levels of female labour force participation are associated with lower infant mortality rates and higher primary school enrolment rates. The revival of rural employment opportunities would also reduce migration to urban centre. NREG rights would also give greater bargaining power to traditionally disadvantaged groups and lead to greater mobilization of the rural poor. By using the RTI and NREG Acts, people in remote villages will be able to identify the most needy and underprivileged, provide for their needs in development plans, monitor the implementation of development programmes and evaluate outcomes on the basis of actual improvements at the ground level Some key features of the NREGA, which should make it substantially more successful than the many not dissimilar rural poverty alleviation programmes which have preceded it in India, are as follows: • The programme, and the rights and responsibilities involved, are enshrined in an Act of Parliament. The states are legally required to abide by its terms, and to provide work to all those who apply, within fifteen days. • The benefits of the programme are open to anyone who applies, so long as he or she resides in one of the selected districts. There are no complex eligibility rules, which are so often used to deprive those who are already deprived. • The programme is not limited by any special budgetary allocation; it is centrally funded, and anyone who applies is legally entitled to be given work on the specified terms. The Government of India has allocated about two and a quarter billion dollars to the NREGA for the financial year 2006/2007, and the state level authorities cannot take refuge in the alleged lack of funds. • The programme does not involve any significant subsidy to those who take advantage of it. They have to work for a minimum wage, and to work hard. It is not attractive to ‘hijackers’, at least if it is implemented as it is meant to be. • The programme is to run for many years; there are no deadlines, and those who fail to hear about it, or to apply when they do learn it is available, can apply later. This effectively unrestricted supply limits the opportunities for rent seeking.

Theoretical Review

The south Indian state of Kerala has long been held up as a model of development. It is often cited as an example of what public action and mass mobilization can achieve in conjunction with responsive democratic governments. Caste reform movements of the 19th and 20th centuries, and peasant and labor movements in the second half of the 20th century, led to widespread radical reforms. Despite its poverty, Kerala has achieved human development results that are outstanding in comparison with the rest of India. Gender equality gains (including inclusion of women in education) helped reduce fertility rates and improve maternal and child health. But advances in social development failed to spur economic development. Poverty is a crucial problem facing all developing and underdeveloped countries in the modern world. It is felt that the problem of poverty can be solved through a concerted effort by the State. Feasible opportunities can be provided to the deprived and the destitute by means of lending asset creating facilities. There are 35 tribal communities in the State. Among them Paniyar (nearly 20) forms the majority. The Paniya and Adiya communities in Wayanad District are very backward and most of them landless agricultural labourers. There are 5 Primitive tribal groups (PTGs) viz., Kattunaikan, Cholanaikan, Koragas, Kadar and Kurumbas. These Groups are the most vulnerable communities among the tribals and are all below poverty Line. They constitute 5of the total tribal population in the State. The Scheduled Tribe Population is even more unevenly distributed in the Districts. Among the Districts Wayanad has the highest tribal Population nearly 36of the Tribal Population. Idukky and Palakkad account for another 26. The lowest representation of tribal population is in Alappuzha District . Majority of the tribals in the state are residing in rural areas. Among the tribal population agricultural labourers represent 55.47%, cultivators represent 16.66% and the remaining are distributed in various other occupations. Most of the Tribal agricultural labourers have been victims of land alienation 17,156 tribal families live in interior forests in 671 settlements and are engaged in the collection of Minor Forest Produces and forest protection works. Out of the total tribals, agricultural labourers constitute 44.04% in Wayanad district. In respect of cultivators, Idukky has the rank first [38.55%], Wayanad [21.48%], Thiruvananthapuram [11.98%] and Palakkad [11.03%].Idukky, Kasargod, Palakkad and Wayanad are the four district coming under National Rural Employment Guarantee schemes district in Kerala.

The draft approach paper for Kerala's Eleventh Five Year Plan, prepared by the State Planning Board, suggests a two-pronged strategy to ensure equitable development in the State in the coming years. The first is to tackle the problem of `simple unemployment' (unemployment of unskilled labour) and the crisis in the farm sector and traditional industries. The second is to nurture skills to cater to the needs of new growth sectors and encourage local entrepreneurship in such areas. Such a two-pronged strategy is necessary for the State, since the expansion of modern skill-intensive sectors alone cannot absorb the people displaced from the crisis-ridden traditional and farm sectors, according to the draft approach paper. For the traditional sectors, apart from relief measures, it emphasis’s "value addition" and upgrading of technology within the organizational form of cooperatives. These have to be run professionally and helped by the Government. They also have to establish retail outlets, whether on their own, or through other cooperative agencies, or through government agencies, or, in certain cases, through private, including corporate, agencies (with whom they would be in a better position to bargain). The approach paper is not in favour of unmediated contact between individual petty producers and corporate agencies, through "contract farming" or "rural business hubs," as these schemes are commonly visualised. On agriculture, the approach paper is concerned about the drastic decline in food crop production, which reduces employment, further jeopardizes Kerala's precarious food security and increases producers' risks. It wants a reversal of this decline and a strengthening of the rice economy, through interim subsidies, if necessary. The draft paper emphasises the need for the State to focus on upgrading the farm technology, inter-cropping, product diversification, watershed management and irrigation and value addition. It says that these can be achieved through an increasing shift to cooperative institutions and group farming. Price support for agriculture at a suitably remunerative rate of profit is necessary. The draft approach paper wants State support for the agrarian economy and petty production in general, a "public-peasant partnership" as distinct from the so-called "public-private partnership." The paper argues the need for a hospitable climate for private enterprise in the modern sector, not only for the corporate and multi-national entities in specifically designated spheres, but also for non-resident Keralas and local entrepreneurs. It rejects the idea that Kerala lacks local entrepreneurial talent; such talent has to be located, nurtured and encouraged. A major issue discussed by the paper relates to land use. No land should be made available for private land speculation, no matter how it is camouflaged. Land should be made available only for industrial enterprises and for purposes of construction catering to genuine needs. In all such cases, the displaced peasants not only have to be compensated for land, but also offered alternative employment, failing which they have to be additionally compensated. A Standing Committee of the Government must clear all cases of land acquisition, and ensure adequate compensation. The tendency of simply taking up corporate investment offers and signing memorandums of understanding without exploring all available alternatives must be avoided. The approach paper wants substantial increases in social sector outlays to improve the quality of services and ensure their universal availability. It wants a system of social regulation of private educational and health institutions, a system of taxation of private profit-making hospitals, and a period of compulsory service by all qualifying doctors in primary health centres. While the rural employment guarantee programme and self-help schemes such as Kudumbasree will ameliorate "simple unemployment" among women, the paper suggests training programmes imparting specific skills, and the formation of urban self-help groups to take care of educated female unemployment. These, however, are palliatives. Gender inequities in Kerala are deep-rooted and need to be fought in a sustained manner. A proper execution of the National Rural Employment Generation Programme should ameliorate poverty among marginalised groups such as the Dalits and the Tribal people. In addition, the transfer of ownership of forest lands and rights to forest produce can better the lot of these sections of people. The paper notes with concern the sustained under-utilisation of Central schemes in the State. This is symptomatic of a deeper malaise, the inadequacy of quality administration. Unless this is overcome, no purposeful planning can take place in the State. There are a few studies made by the government agencies that have evaluated the impact of these tribal development programmes. However, these studies fail to bring out the chronic inadequacies in the implementation of the programmes. Therefore, it is necessary to evaluate thoroughly the tribal development programmes in the state of Kerala.

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3. REVIEW OF LITERATURE

According to Ghanshyam Sha the process of change had started long ago. Indeed this process of change is irreversible. S.N. Misra, for example, while speaking about the economic formations and their dissolutions among the tribals of Arunachal Pradesh, maintains that the traditional tribal economic basis is still predominant. One important feature of the tribal scenario in India is its fast transformation. The basic factor for this transformation process operates at the level of economy. The tribals are increasingly giving up their traditional occupations. K.P. Singh pointed out way back in 1982 that the Tribals practising ‘shifting cultivations’ constituted only 8.7% of the total tribal people in the country. An attempt was made by both Jain H.C. and Sarawgi A.K. (1982) to analyse the impact of farm credit arranged by Co-operatives as well as commercial banks on farm production, income and employment opportunities of the sample tribal farmers in Madhya Pradesh. This study also explored the significance of tribal development programmes in the context of provision of credit made and the findings are also hopeful to farm financing institutions and planners to understand the credit problems faced by the tribal farmers in the state. Studying the socio-economic adjustments of tribals of Tripura, B.P. Misra has found that intra and inter-tribe differences never assumed serious proportions; it is only the contact with the non-tribals that has always been responsible for the distress of the tribals. A striking feature of the voluminous literature on Tribals is the focus on three basic problems that confront the tribals viz. (1) Land alienation (2) Bonded Labour (3) Indebtedness. In a sense, these three are interrelated problems. Many writers hold that law is the principal cause for the structural retrogression of the tribal existence. Various methods are used by non-tribals to circumvent the laws to acquire the lands of tribals. Prabahar Reddy lists them out as (1) Benami transfers (2) Transfer to non tribals in the form of lease (3) Transfer in the name of tribal servants (4) Marital alliance with a tribal lady for the sake of transfer of land in her name (5) Transfer without any record (6) Encroachment by force. Once they need money, the Scheduled Tribes approach the moneylenders and traders and borrow money from them. When they are not in a position to pay back, the latter exploits them. This results in the dispossession of their lands. Another salient feature of tribal existence in India is the problem of indebtedness, which is the natural outcome of the exploitation of tribals. This fact has been succinctly brought out by N.N. Vyal in his systematic study on bondage and exploitations in Tribal India. Analyzing the socio-economic dimensions of indebtedness and exploitation among tribal and other communities, it has also been observed that massive welfare programmes that are introduced do not reach the tribes. In fact, in many countries the rulers resort to formulating and implementing welfare programmes and thereby they create the impression that they have great concern for the poor. Politicians indeed vie with one another in proposing and undertaking welfare programmes. In view of the above observations a visible and sustaining policy oriented towards the creation of an equitable and non–exploitative social order is essential for development. Development is a constructive and multi–dimensional process stemming from the creative genius of the people .In this sense development programmes should play a catalytic role in activating the latent energies of the society. Since independence the Central and State governments have been formulating and

implementing several programmes of tribal welfare. But, according to Ajit Singh, these programmes have made little change in the life of tribals. Brethern Singh rightly maintains that there must be something wrong either with the development programmes or with the tribals themselves. He points out that these programmes are by and large bureaucratic because they are planned from above and are implemented by non committed officials. In 1983, the government of Tamil Nadu have ordered the Economist Group to conduct an evaluation study of 13 LAMP societies and their 15 branches in the state. This group analysed the importance of LAMPS with reference to the coverage of tribal population, quality of services offered, administrative, financial and operational efficiency of the LAMPS in the state and finally suggested various recommendations for healthy functioning of these societies in near future According to Geethamenon, the impact of the loss of common property resources is very severe on tribal women. In an article appropriately titled “Tribal

women victims of the development process”, Amiya K. Kishan, a tribal leader, educationist and a former Union Minister, says that today tribes are being decimated by both genocide and ethnocide. When the tribals are uprooted from their forests to make way for modern industries, it is genocide and when their culture is systematically destroyed, it is ethnocide.

In the foregoing paragraphs, we have made an attempt to review the important works on tribal development. A significant fact that has emerged from the review is the lack of consensus regarding the perception of the problems and the solutions thereof and the judgement on the outcome of the developmental efforts made so far. It seems that the tribals like to be upwardly mobile. This being so, the crucial question would be whether the development agencies have properly played the facilitating role expected of them. Therefore, the present study will be helpful in providing information on the questions taken up for discussion. It is hoped that such a study would be helpful to planners, policy makers, administrators, N.G.O’s, self-help groups, development agencies and social organizations in implementing the welfare and developmental programmes for Tribal upliftment in a useful way. In order to improve the structure and organisation of co-operatives in the tribal areas on the one side and to examine the problem of exploitation of tribals on the other side, a Committee on cooperative Structure in Tribal areas recommended the organisation of Integrated Credit-cum-Marketing Co-operative Societies termed LAMP Co-operative Societies at the primary level to meet multifarious requirements of tribals. By way of giving a package of services, these societies ensure a faster growth rate of tribal economy in our country. With a view to analyzing the performance of cooperatives particularly LAMP societies in tribal areas, many research studies have been conducted by individual researchers, State Governments, Reserve Bank of India and other research organisations. Some of the earlier attempts made on these lines are reviewed below. The tribals are seldom involved in the formulation and implementation of the programmes. Today, as K.L. Kothari asserts, the tribes are caught between two conflicting problems: (i) a keen desire to retain their separate identity and (ii) willingness to join the national mainstream. Kulkarni categorically states that if the primitive man differs from the civilized man, it is because the primitive community differs from the others in matters such as values and beliefs. In fact, as Nirmal Sengupta maintains, the process of rapid industrialization since independence has added another dimension to the problems of the tribals as the majority of the tribal concentrations in the country are in areas endowed with natural resources. According to the study conducted by P.V. Rao (1974), the socio-economic conditions of Girijans in Andhra Pradesh had improved a lot due to various welfare measures implemented by the Girijan Co-operative Corporation, which is an apex organisation of 30 primary co-operative societies, making a modest beginning in 1956, and becoming operative in 13 districts of the State through 290 domestic requisite depots for the benefit of tribals. A. Van Exem (1978) discussed the working of Chotanagpur Catholic Mission Cooperative Society in Ranchi. It is a primary society organised by Fr. J. Hoffmann, a German Missionary in 1909, to free the tribals from the clutches of moneylenders by way of providing financial assistance on the one side and giving moral and economic training on the other side which would in the course of time enable them to manage their own financial business. A study of 10 LAMP societies (1979) was carried out by the Reserve Bank of India in the State of Rajasthan and this led to the main findings that the area of LAMP was too large. They were weak in their functioning, were manned by insufficient staff, the membership and the turnover were low and lacked co-ordination with the District Central Co-operative Banks. For revitalization of these societies in order to make them purposeful, the study pointed out many recommendations relating to their jurisdiction, membership pattern, conversion of existing primary credit societies into LAMPS etc. An evaluation study of 60 LAMP societies (1980) was conducted by the Bihar

State Planning Board through constitution of four teams, one each for administrative structure, credit, marketing and consumer goods. After critical review of the LAMPS in the state, the planning board made various invaluable suggestions for the development of the above societies as Unified Credit-cum-Marketing Centres. Hemchand Jain and A.K. Sarawgi (1981) in their study pointed out the structural and operational changes in farm business of the selected tribal farmers after their utilisation of credit obtained from the co-operatives. The study examined some of the important aspects of farm credit that are having important bearing on the pace of agricultural production in tribal areas. It also investigated the impact of farm loans given by the co-operative organisations on farm income, production and employment of selected tribal farmers. Another study viz, performance review of 404 LAMP societies in India (1981) was conducted by the National Bank of Agriculture and Rural Development in the States of Assam (10), Bihar (68), Gujarat (21), Karnataka (10), Madhya Pradesh (29), Maharashtra (65), Nagaland (2), Orissa (21), Rajasthan (44), Tamil Nadu (9), Uttar Pradesh (103), West Bengal (19), Goa, Diu and Daman (1) and Manipur (2). The study

aimed at ascertaining whether they had shown better performance than their counterparts’ viz., the primary agricultural credit societies in ameliorating the lot of tribals and weaker sections. The Vaikunth Mehta National Institute of Co-operative Management, Pune in its

evaluation report (1982) has presented various aspects relating to performance as well as

difficulties of LAMP societies. The institute team made a comprehensive study of one of

LAMP societies in each of five states of Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and

Bihar and also recommended various suggestions on the basis of observations made

during the course of the above study. The Cultural Research Institute, West Bengal also conducted another sample evaluation survey of 10 LAMP societies in the State (1982) to examine the awareness of tribals about activities of LAMPS, managerial aspects of LAMPS, implementation of different sectoral schemes, etc. After brief review, the institute suggested that the board of directs of LAMPS should be more active, loans should be given in kind and not in cash, loan facility for animal husbandry schemes should be given preference, operational area of LAMPS should be more manageable and there should be proper planning in collection of minor forest-produce to create more employment opportunities for the tribals. Pawar and others in their study dealt with the borrowing pattern of tribals from various sources, together with utilisation of loans, repayment of loans and impact of borrowings on farm income, expenditure, savings, etc. From this study it can be concluded that the extent of availability of credit from institutional sources was relatively very low in case of the tribal farms. Looking to the deficit budgets of the tribal farm families, the authors were of the opinion that suitable measures for supplying production and consumption credit in required quantum and on easy terms be resorted from the institutions like co-operative organisations in order to ameliorate economic conditions of the tribal farm families. According to the study conducted by Dinbandhu Mahal in Orissa, the Tribal development Corporation in the state has rendered various praiseworthy services such as procurement and marketing of surplus agricultural and minor forest produces of tribal members and supply of basic consumer goods to the tribals through its fair price shops for the development of tribal community under the co-operative fold. He was of the opinion that corporation sold its procedures inside and outside the state as well as outside India also for the benefit of tribal farmers. It is also pertinent to mention that the procured commodities from tribals are sold by the corporation through negotiation at competitive rates and also through tenders

METHODOLOGY

Selection of the Study Area:

The study covers the Wayanad district of Kerala state. For this purpose the study was conducted at four levels applying historical and survey research methods. The first was district level where mainly historical research method was adopted. At the second level, tribals, blocks, was selected from district for in depth study. At the third level, village with high tribal concentration, were selected from taluk. At the fourth and lowest level a sample of tribal households was selected for in-depth study of the impact of development particularly the impact of National Rural Employment Guarantee Schemes.

Data Collection

The study is based on both historical and survey research method. The analysis of the overall status of the tribal life and its development status in the state is based on the secondary sources of the information like the published work, reports and government documents at state, regional and block levels. . The author was faced with a hard choice from among the following three methods for obtaining data:

(1) Total dependence and block records and other secondary sources of data

(2) Interviews with all officials concerned and to aggregating their responses on a

particular variable

(3) Interviews with selected respondents of a village.

While the interview method was opted for in-depth study, the first two methods were also used to enhance the quality of the data; the heads of the selected households, were interviewed through a specifically designed Schedule to obtain primary data about their family background, social and economic aspects of the family and their experience with various financial institutions. To avoid stereotype, unreliable responses and to get valid information, this researcher held as many informal and extended interviews as possible with elderly persons and resourceful people of the villages, Discussions were also held village level workers, cooperative officials and extension officials, to generate data and their opinions regarding developmental activities in the villages. The experience revealed that friendly talk, outdoor trips, gossiping were some of the best means of collection of information. All information thus collected was counter-checked with reliable persons and other available records.

Analysis

The study is mainly based on descriptive analysis of the literature, reports and data collected from the secondary and primary sources. The data collected through secondary sources and through the questionnaire were edited and analysed manually. Statistical methods were avoided and more emphasis was given for a qualitative description in the report writing. Wherever necessary cartographic representation through maps charts and figures have also been included.

Objectives of study

1 To identify any special features which appear likely to make it a success

2 To analysis the operational efficiency of programmes in tribal areas.

3 To evaluate the lifestyle of tribes after the schemes introduce

Limitations of study

The primary data were collected through survey method by administering a household interview schedule to the head of the household. The respondents have generally provided information from their memory. Absence of maintenance accounts by the tribal households.

Therefore, the outcome of the analysis of primary data is within the limitations of the responses to various questions in the schedule. Some of the respondents were initially reluctant to give correct information regarding their income ,thenspecial efforts were made by using the good offices of the local village development officers and by arranging meetings with the help of local leaders in the villages for creating a friendly atmosphere for building confidence in the respondents. Thus, efforts were made to minimize the limitations of the survey method. Another important limitation is that the data were mostly collected for one

Year. The data for a single year, therefore, cannot claim to represent the actual picture of the district with absolute accuracy. This information has been supplemented by referring to a number of books, official reports from the Centre and State, journals and other relevant matters, both published and unpublished. During the stay in the Tribal hamlets, this researcher faced many problems connected with officials, transport and food. Many officials in tribal areas were not available during office-hours. Unfilled posts in offices were another reason for the nonavailability of officials. Regarding transport, many villages were not connected with bus routes. Even in villages with bus routes, the frequency was less. Regarding food, the researcher had to take food in tribal houses during his visits to the villages. Loneliness and lack of recreation were the main contributory factors for a kind of “Psychological stress”.

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Operational Details

Some key operating details of the programme are summarised below, under the six headings of institutions, beneficiaries, timing, payments, tasks and management which were used as the basis of the enquiry.

Institutions:

Every State Government is required to nominate a seniour officer to be responsible for the National Rural Employment Guarantee Programmes in each selected district. This is usually the Collector or District Magistrate .The National Rural Employment Guarantee Programmes can be co-ordinated with the needs of other related programmes such as rural roads, irrigation and many others. The Collector must then nominate a full-time chief officer to the programme. A further full-time programme officer is then nominated at the block level; this person, like his or her district-level counterpart, is paid for from central government funds. States cannot use the excuse of lack of finance to delay this appointment. At the village level at least half of the works carried out under the programme must be implemented through the Panchayati Raj institutions (PRI), which are the lowest level of elected government. The balance of the works may be implemented by NGOs, or line departments of government. The PRI were until recently more or less moribund in many parts of the country, and elections had not been held for many years. The village and block level bodies have always had full time staff, however; they have not always received their salaries, and the task has been in many places a virtual sinecure, but the basic framework exists. The PRI have recently been revived in most states. Elections have been held, 30% of the seats have been reserved for women, and they are becoming increasingly active. The case of Jharkhand, one of India’s most backward states, is instructive, since it is now the only State where no elections for PRI positions have been held for a long period, and the PRI are still inactive. In Jharkhand, informal ‘Gram Sabhas’ are in theory being used instead. These are often controlled by vested interests, and some contractors and unofficial middlemen are becoming involved. In order to avoid this, most of the works are actually being identified and managed by government line departments. These too are far from free from interference.

Beneficiaries

The two hundred poorest rural districts of India (out of a total of well over 400 districts) were selected for the first phase of the programme. These were selected according to a formula based on the level of farm wages, the proportion of ‘scheduled caste and scheduled tribes’ (SC/ST) in the population and low agricultural productivity. The list was subsequently slightly modified in order to allow each state to have at least one district in the final list. Beyond this, beneficiaries are self-selected. Anybody who resides in a selected district, however wealthy or poor she or he may be, can apply for a job card. One card is issued per household, although it is planned in the future to issue cards at the individual level. The application procedure has been simplified as much as possible, in order to avoid corruption of the kind that has bedeviled the issuance of documents such as ration cards for people below the poverty line. The main protection, of course, is that everyone in the district who wants a card can have one. There is no eligibility requirement apart from residence, and the very fact that over 24 million people had applied for cards and 16 million had been issued by the end of April suggests that this is working. Job cards must in any case be issued within a month of application. People will of course not apply if they do not know about the programme. It was meant to be announced in every village on Republic Day, 26th January 2006, at the local celebrations which take place every year on that date and are usually well attended. The Prime Minister’s personally handed over the first job cards the following week in Anantapur in Andhra Pradesh, and this event was of course widely publicised. The programme is also being announced by the Indian equivalent of ‘town criers’, men with drums who walk round villages with the latest official announcements. People under eighteen or over sixty years of age are not eligible. When a disabled person applies for work efforts are made to give them sedentary tasks. In some cases child care has also been arranged to allow mothers with young children to participate.

. Timing

The timing of work is not an issue, in theory at any rate. Once a person has a job card, and the figures suggest that job cards are issued quite soon after people ask for them, he or she can demand work and employment must by law be provided within fifteen days. The work must last a minimum of fourteen days, If this is not done, the State government is required to pay the applicant a special unemployment allowance at 25% of the wage payable for the NREGA, for 30 days, without requiring him or her to work. This allowance has then to be increased to 50% of the state minimum for the 70 day balance of

the applicant’s entitlement of 100 days employment, or until work can be provided. The

allowances have to be paid from State Government funds, so there is a powerful incentive to provide work under the NREGA, which is paid by the central government. The major demand for work is expected in the April to June summer season, and between November and March when crops are ripening but not yet harvested. The programme is therefore being thoroughly tested at the time of writing.

Payments

The Act allows the States to fix the wage rates as they think fit, but it is recommended that they should use the state minimum rates. These vary from forty to fifty rupees a day in poorer states to well over a hundred rupees elsewhere. These rates are somewhat higher than the market clearing rate for unskilled labour, but not so much higher as to encourage more than a minimum of rent seeking. The Act also states that the Government of India reserves the right to impose a wage rate should it so desire. This rate is likely to be around sixty rupees. The Government is only likely to use this right should any states either pay too much, thus exploiting the availability of central funds, and increasing the opportunities for corruption, or pay too little, perhaps at the behest of larger farmers who do not want the market for casual agricultural labour to be ‘spoiled’ by the availability of work under the NREGA. These minimum wage rates reflect the poverty level and market rates in each State. In Kerala for instance, one of the better off states, the rate is Rs 136 per day, approaching three times the rate in Jharkhand. These rates are converted to piece work rates for many jobs, in order to ensure that workers do actually work productively rather than treating the wage as a form of unemployment allowance. There has also been some debate in the press about the failure of the NREGA rates to attract sufficient workers, but this seems generally to be based on the misconception that the programme is designed primarily as a way of building public works rather than for poverty alleviation. If nobody is attracted by the minimum wage, this shows that there are at least some alternatives available, and that the NREGA is not needed. The central Government covers 100% of the basic unskilled wage costs, and associated expenses such as stationery and management, but the state governments have to cover 25% of the costs of any skilled labour that is required, and 50% of any material or machinery costs. This provision is designed to encourage the maximum use of unskilled labour by those whom the NREGA is designed to assist, and to discourage state governments from misusing the NREGA as a way to get the Centre to cover the cost of works that are being carried out anyway, irrespective of the NREGA. Payments are usually made in cash, not in kind, and in some states wages have to be paid into post office or other bank savings accounts, to avoid the risk of loss or theft. If as is often the case the workers do not have accounts, they are assisted to open them.

. Tasks

The tasks selected for work under the NREGA tend necessarily to be fairly simple and small because they have to be capable of being started with two weeks’ notice at most, to be very labour intensive, and to be completed within less than three months, unless they can be undertaken by successive teams of workers, which is difficult to manage. They must also be near to workers’ homes, since workers have to be paid an extra allowance of 10% of their daily wage if they have to travel more than five kilometers. The tasks are meant to be chosen from the ‘shelf’ of projects in the very detailed ‘wish lists’ which were already prepared by each village for the 150 districts covered by the NREGA’s predecessor, the National Food for Work Programme, and are now under preparation for the additional 50 districts included in the NREGA. These lists are extraordinarily precise and detailed; they include a wide variety of projects, mainly very modest, such as local kacha roads, culverts, strengthening embankments, de-silting irrigation canals, ditches and so on. Because the tasks are so local, they are likely to benefit all the people who are

employed to work on them. Landless people will of course not benefit directly from irrigation works, but better irrigation usually means increased labour requirements, so these works should benefit landless people too, albeit indirectly. Projects are also allowed on private land, for one person’s benefit, but only when the landowner belongs to a scheduled caste or tribe. All other projects have to be for public benefit. Most projects are quite small, because they have to be able to be started at short notice, and to use little skilled labour or materials. They can involve as few as ten or fifteen people, for no more than ten days, but some larger projects employ up to 200 people, and can last for two months or more. They are mainly new projects, but many involve repair and rehabilitation of existing facilities, or sometimes completion of previously unfinished works.

Management.

The basic field level document for the NREGA is the worker’s job card. This should be issued to each job seeker when she or he applies, and not only once work has been provided. It constitutes what is effectively a passport for work under the programme. It is a quite simple booklet, which contains details of the household and the individual beneficiary, a unique job seeker’s number, and a record of the card-holder’s demands for work, and details of jobs provided. There is space for fifteen demands, and twenty jobs, and the card is intended to last for five years. The record of jobs provided includes reference to the unique muster roll which is to be maintained for each job, and this roll also contains details of all those who were employed on each job. The muster rolls have to be publicly displayed in each village, even when a particular task has been managed by a body other than the village PRI. In theory at any rate this double entry system should prevent most egregious attempts to have ‘ghost’ workers or ’ghost’ jobs. These job cards are being prepared in local languages; an English language version of the Orissa state job card is attached to this report. A local ‘vigilance committee’ has to be appointed for each task, which reports to the village PRI or Gram Sabha. At the state level, implementation of the NREGA is monitored by a committee which is nominated by the Supreme Court of India, pursuant to a decision of the court regarding states’ non-compliance with earlier acts of parliament. This is a voluntary task, but the task has attracted a number of high level and authoritative people who are willing to give their time to it.

There is a comprehensive MIS to monitor implementation of the NREGA. This provides up-to-date information as follows:

• the numbers of applications for job cards, • the numbers of cards issued,

• the numbers of people and households who have demanded employment,

• the numbers of people and households who have been provided with work,

• the numbers of jobs in progress, and

• the funds disbursed.

REPORT OF NOOLPUZHA PANCHAYATH -NREGA UP TO 30-08-07

Number of house hold issued job cards :3713

Number of house hold demanded job :1999

Number of house hold provided job : 1999

Number of ST house hold issued job card :1609

Number of ST house hold demanded job :1609

Number of ST house hold provided job :1609

Number of total person job generated :57800.5 (lakhs)

Number of ST person job generated :24334.5 (lakhs)

Fund received :7381138(lakhs)









COCLUSIONS

Time to time the rulers resort to formulating and implementing lot of welfare programmes and schemes for the development of backward communities especially schedule tribes and schedule castes, and thereby they create the impression that they have great concern for the poor. Politicians indeed vie with one another in proposing and undertaking welfare programmes. In view of the above observations a visible and sustaining policy oriented towards the creation of an equitable and non–exploitative social order is essential for development. Development is a constructive and multi–dimensional process stemming from the creative genius of the people .In this sense development programmes should play a catalytic role in activating the latent energies of the society. Since independence the Central and State governments have been formulating and implementing several programmes of tribal welfare. But, , these programmes have made little change in the life of tribals. the socio-economic conditions of Tribes in Kerala had improved a lot due to various welfare measures implemented by the Government agencies and Non Government agencies. National Rural Employment Guarantee Programmes produce a small improvement in tribal people. On the basis of respondents answers that amount are not enough for meeting their demands, like children education , medical expenditures, family expenditures, and other expenditures .When they are collecting the amount that time they are facing exploitation from respective authorities by because of lack of knowledge. The socio-economic dimensions of indebtedness and exploitation among tribal and other backward communities, it has also been observed that massive welfare programmes that are introduced do not reach the tribes. National Rural Employment Guarantee Programmes one of the important schemes for ameliorate poverty among tribal people.

SUGGESTIONS:

On the basis of research for the development of tribes the researcher proposing the following recommendations

I Educations:

Education is the first steps for the development of every human being for improving the education in tribal areas Government should provide

1. Ensuring of high quality education to tribal students

2 Pre -primary education and residential education will be strengthened further

3 The existing tuition scheme will be modified to cater to the needs of all tribal students.

4 . The rate of Scholarships [Lump sum grant / stipend etc] will be revised frequently

5 High priority for the completion of pre -metric hostels and improving of their infrastructure facilities and revision of mess charges etc

II Training Programmes

For creating awareness and confidence the Government should focus the training programmes for the development of tribes

1 Training programmes such as IT Training will be arranged for the tribal students and programmes for ensuring jobs for tribals in the IT sector will be formulated

2. Massive awareness and literacy programmes with involvement of NGOs will be

organised in the tribal areas

3 . Programmes aimed at improving the brilliance of talented ST students will be

formulated and implemented

iii Infrastructure development:

Tribal areas are mainly isolated ie, remote area, hill area forest area etc for interconnecting this areas the government should introduce schemes for the development of tribes

Remoteness is one hurdle, which prevents the overall and comprehensive

development of tribals. This eludes the tribals from the infrastructural needs such as

road, drinking water, electrification, hospital facilities, educational facilities etc. A

comprehensive plan can be formulated to solve these problems.

IV Industry:

Tribes are the children of nature and their main job are agriculture , collecting things from forest, and they kept distance from industry sector. Now for the development of any society the role of industry is very high . So the Government should introduce some schemes for the development of tribes communities.

1.The participation of the tribals in the industrial sector, even in the small scale and traditional sector is virtually nil. To change this situation suitable strategies can be formulated.

2. Micro enterprises would b e promoted among tribal women through Kudumbashree.

V Health Care:

1 Health care facilities will be strengthened by improving existing Health Extension

Programmes in tribal areas tie -up with Health Department.

.2 It is proposed to give Health Insurance coverage to all backward tribal families in a

phased manner

VI Special Programmes:

1 Tribal Sub-Plan programmes will be integrated with anti-poverty sub-plan.

2. Socio-Economic development programme for the benefit of poorest of the poor to bring them above poverty line.

3. All Houseless families will be given houses in a phased manner.

4. The problems of tribal families living within forest areas will be solved in

collaboration with forest department.

5 The socio -economic conditions of the communities like Adiya, Paniya, Primitive

Tribes, Hill Pulayan, Malapandaram etc., are very pathetic. In view of this specific,

exclusive programmes can be chalked out for the development of these

communities.

6 . The problems of the families living in tribal rehabilitation projects like Sugandhagiri,

Pookot Dairy Project, Attapady Cooperative farming society etc., will be solved with

the participation of these families.

.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1 Bapuji M., ‘Tribal Development-Strategies An Overview’, The Indian Journal of Administrative Science, Vol. III, Jan. -Dec. 1992.

2. Behura, N.K., ‘Environment, Displacement and Development’: A Case study from Orissa, Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society (Calcutta), Vol.31 (2), July, 1996.

3 Beteille, Andre, ‘The Definition of Tribe’, Seminar (14), 1960 in Romesh Thaper (Ed.) Tribe and Religion in India, McMillan Company of India, Lucknow, 1977.

4 Bhattacharya, S.N., ‘Rural Industrialization in India’, Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 1980.

5 Chadha, G.K., Non-Farm Employment For Rural Households in India: Evidence and

Prognosis, IJLE, Vol.36, 1993.

6 Chauhan, S.P., ‘An Exploration of Wage Employment and Self Employment Programmes in India’, Kurukshetra, October 1998.

7. Danda, A.K., ‘Statutory Provisions Safeguarding Interests of Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes’, in L.P. Vidhyarthi (ed.) Tribal Development and Its Administration, Concept, Pub. Delhi, 1981.

8 Dhebar, U.N., Report of the ‘Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission’,

1961, Publication Div. Govt. Of India, Delhi.

.9. Elvin, V., ‘A New Deal for Tribal India, Government of India’, Manager Publication, Delhi, 1963.

10 Fernandez W. (ed.), ‘National Development and Tribal Deprivation’ Indian Social Institute, Delhi, 1992.

11. Fernandez, W.etal., ‘Forest Environment and Tribal Economy: Deforestation

Impoverishment and Marginalisation in Orissa’, Indian Social Institute, Delhi, 1988.

12. Fernandez, W., ‘Forest Policy: A Solution to Tribal Deprivation’, The Indian Journal of

Social Work, Vol. II, No. 1, January, 1990.

13. Fernandez, Walter, ‘Forests and The State of the Tribals in India Today’, International

Journal of Sustainable Development, Vol. 1 No.4.

.

.

14. Hasan, Amir, ‘A Tribe in turmoil, Uppal Publishing House’, New Delhi, 1986.

15. Hasan, Amir, ‘Tribal Administration in India’, B.R. Publishing Corp. Delhi,1988.

16 Hasan, Amir, ‘Tribal Development in India’: An Appraisal, Print House, Lucknow,1992.

17. Hasan, Amir, ‘Souvenir to the Tribal People of U.P’ 1970, Information Dept. U.P., Lucknow.

18. Hasan, Nadeem, ‘Tribal India’, Palika Prakashan, Delhi 1999.

.19. Jogdand, P.G. (ed.) ‘New Economic Policy & Dalits’, Rawat Publications, Jaipur, 2000.

20 Karmaker, K.G., ‘Rrural Credit & Shelf Help groups’, Sage Publications, Delhi, 1999.

21. Karuppaiyan, E., ‘Alienation of tribal Lands in Tamil Nadu’, Panel Data Analysis, Economic and Political Weekly, Sept., 9 2000.

.22. Mahapatra, L.K., ‘Tribal Development in India: Myth and Reality’. Vikas Publishing

House, Pvt. Ltd., 1994.

23. Mahapatra, L.K., ‘Development for whom? Deprivating the Dispossed Tribals’, Social

Action, 41:3, 1991.

24. Mathur, A & Pani, P.K., ‘The Character of Rural Industrialization and Its Employment

Impact in India’, IJLE, Vol. 36(3), 1992.

25. Mazoomdar, D.N., ‘The Fortunes of Primitive tribes’, Universal Publishers Ltd.,

Lucknow, 1944..

26 Menon, P.S.K., ‘Tribal Development Policies, Plans and programmes’. Yojna, April

2002.

27. Mishra, S.N. and Singh B. (ed.) ‘Tribal Area Development Society for Study of

Regional Development’, New Delhi, 1983.

28. MOTA, ‘Annual Report, 2000-2001, Ministry of Tribal Affairs’, Govt. of India, Delhi, 2001.

29. Nair, M.K. Sukumar, ‘Tribal Economy in Transition: A Study in Meghalaya’, Inter-

India Pub. Delhi, 1987.

30. NCW, ‘Report on Tribal Women and Employment’, National Commission for Women,

New Delhi, 1998.

31. NIP, ‘Tribal Development- Special Development Supplement, Northern India Patrika’,

Oct., 31,1987, Lucknow.

32. Ramje N. & Bhatnagar, A., ‘Empowerment of Tribals and Sustainable Development of

Non-Wood Forest Produce’. Yojana, April 2000.

33. Sharma, B.D., Tribal Development: Conceptual Frame Adim Jati Research and

Development Institute, Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh.

.

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Article Tags: Tribal, Ameliorate, National Rural Employment Guarantee Schemes, Wayanad, National Rural Employment Guarantee Act

Article Source: http://www.articlesbase.com/economics-articles/national-rural-employment-guarantee-programmes-can-ameliorate-poverty-among-tribal-peoplea-study-with-reference-to-kerala-state-221513.html


About the Author:

Nidheesh K B
Lecturer in Commerce
Pondicherry University
Pondicherry
India


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